Abstract

This article examines the multifaceted challenges Pakistan faces in the context of political instability, rising religious extremism, and international economic pressures. By analyzing internal political dynamics, bilateral relations, and strategic issues related to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), we explore the causes and consequences of recurring conflicts. Drawing on academic studies, official reports, and contextual data, this article offers a comprehensive understanding of Pakistan’s strategies to bolster its stability and development.

1. Introduction

Pakistan, established in 1947 following the partition of British India, has been marked from its inception by identity tensions, military conflicts, and major socio-economic challenges. Strategically located at the crossroads of South and Central Asia, the country plays a crucial role in regional geopolitics due to its position between India, China, and Afghanistan. However, Pakistan remains trapped in internal dynamics that hinder its development: military coups, civilian governments weakened by corruption, and the rise of extremist groups (Cohen, 2004).

Tensions with India over the disputed Kashmir region have fueled an arms race and strengthened the military’s influence in national politics. Additionally, Pakistan’s involvement in the post-9/11 “war on terror” has exacerbated internal polarization, fostering mistrust of Western powers (Fair, 2014). Within this context, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) represents an opportunity to revitalize the economy, but also a risk of increased dependency on China (Small, 2015).

Research Question

How can Pakistan overcome the security, political, and economic challenges threatening its stability while preserving its sovereignty and avoiding the pitfalls of strategic debt and regional rivalries?

Objectives of the Study

This article aims to:

       1.    Analyze the origins of Pakistan’s political and security crises.

       2.    Examine the impact of bilateral relations with India and China on regional stability.

       3.    Assess the limits and opportunities of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

       4.    Propose recommendations for strengthening political and economic stability.

2. Article Structure

       1.    Introduction

       •     General context

       •     Research question

       •     Objectives of the study

       2.    Historical Context and Political Foundations

       •     The Partition of 1947 and its consequences

       •     Military coups and the struggle for democracy

       •     The impact of regional wars on domestic politics

       3.    Political Movements and the Influence of Religious Actors

       •     Emergence of major political parties

       •     Islam’s politicization under Zia-ul-Haq

       •     Radicalization of madrassas

       4.    The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)

       •     Strategic goals and economic stakes

       •     Gwadar Port and regional tensions

       •     Criticisms and security challenges

       5.    India-Pakistan Bilateral Relations

       •     The three wars and the Kashmir dispute

       •     The 2008 Mumbai attacks and their repercussions

       •     The abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and its implications

       6.    Terrorism, National Security, and Strategic Responses

       •     Major terrorist attacks

       •     The National Action Plan (NAP)

       •     Military operations and the role of the ISI

       7.    Conclusion and Recommendations

       •     Summary of major challenges

       •     Recommendations for sustainable stabilization

3. Methodology

This article adopts an analytical approach grounded in academic sources and international reports:

       •     Documentary Analysis: Use of reports from the UN, International Crisis Group, and Human Rights Watch on Pakistan’s security crises.

       •     Historical Case Studies: Examination of key conflicts such as the Indo-Pakistani wars, the Kargil conflict, and the Balakot episode.

       •     Synthesis of Academic Works: Notably the writings of Cohen (2004) on Pakistan’s military and Fair (2014) on India-Pakistan relations.

1. Historical Context

1.1 The Creation of Pakistan: A Division-Based Birth

Pakistan’s creation was rooted in the “two-nation theory,” which argued that Muslims and Hindus constituted distinct entities requiring separate states (Jalal, 1995). However, partition led to massive intercommunal violence, with over 15 million displaced and nearly one million killed (Talbot, 1998).

Formed from West Pakistan (now Pakistan) and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), the new nation was intended to embody unity through Islamic faith. However, early tensions arose between political elites in Karachi and the marginalized populations of East Pakistan, exacerbating cultural and linguistic divides (Ziring, 2003).

1.2 Early Decades: Political Instability and Institutional Challenges (1947–1958)

Following independence, the absence of a stable constitution led to prolonged institutional instability. Between 1947 and 1958, Pakistan saw several short-lived governments. The deaths of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1948 and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in 1951 deprived the country of its founding leaders (Cohen, 2004).

The 1956 constitution declared Pakistan an “Islamic Republic.” However, tensions between East and West Pakistan intensified, fueled by the underrepresentation of Bengalis in national institutions (Jalal, 1995).

1.3 The First Military Coup of 1958: Ayub Khan’s Era

In 1958, General Ayub Khan staged Pakistan’s first military coup, inaugurating a tradition of military interventions in national politics. Ayub Khan established an authoritarian regime promoting modernization while curtailing democratic participation (Lieven, 2011).

Consequences:

       •     Suspension of the 1956 constitution

       •     Centralization of power around the presidency

       •     Economic reforms benefiting urban elites

Although Ayub’s regime spurred economic growth, it deepened social inequalities, fueling political and social unrest (Talbot, 1998).

1.4 The Secession of East Pakistan and the 1971 War

The 1969–1971 period saw the rise of Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League. The refusal of the central government to recognize the Awami League’s 1970 electoral victory led to armed conflict. The Pakistani military’s brutal crackdown triggered Bangladesh’s war of independence, backed by India.

In December 1971, Pakistan suffered its worst defeat, leading to East Pakistan’s secession as Bangladesh (Riedel, 2012). This loss deeply influenced the military’s perception of India as a permanent existential threat (Fair, 2014).

1.5 The 1973 Constitution: A Fragile Hope for Reconstruction

Following the 1971 war, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto introduced reforms aimed at national reconstruction. The 1973 constitution established a parliamentary system and judicial independence. However, Bhutto’s growing authoritarianism and economic mismanagement faced criticism (Haqqani, 2013).

In 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq overthrew Bhutto, initiating the “Islamization” of Pakistan.

1.6 Zia-ul-Haq’s Regime and State Islamization (1977–1988)

General Zia-ul-Haq implemented a regime based on strict Sharia enforcement. This period saw:

       •     The introduction of hudood ordinances, imposing harsh penalties for crimes like theft and adultery.

       •     The establishment of Islamic courts.

       •     Strengthened blasphemy laws.

Zia’s regime, backed by Saudi Arabia and the U.S., promoted madrassas and jihadist recruitment during the Afghan-Soviet war (Riedel, 2012). This set the stage for rising terrorism in later decades.

Further sections to address political movements, terrorism, and regional dynamics are outlined in the article structure.

1.7 The 1990s: Chaotic Alternation Between Democracy and Authoritarianism

After the death of Zia-ul-Haq in 1988, Pakistan experienced a political alternation between the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) led by Benazir Bhutto and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) led by Nawaz Sharif. However, this decade was marked by allegations of corruption, economic crises, and repeated military interventions (Cohen, 2004).

The 1999 coup led by General Pervez Musharraf ended this period of democratic instability and ushered in a new era of military governance.

1.8 Post-9/11 Pakistan and the “War on Terror”

The U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 following the 9/11 attacks placed Pakistan at the center of the “war on terror.” Musharraf’s government adopted an ambivalent policy, officially supporting the international coalition while maintaining ties with certain armed groups to safeguard its regional interests (Fair, 2014).

This strategy had disastrous consequences for Pakistan’s internal security, including the rise of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and an intensification of terrorist attacks within the country (Haqqani, 2013).

2. Political Movements and the Influence of Extremist Religious Actors

2.1 The Foundations of Political Movements in Pakistan

From its inception, Pakistan’s political scene was characterized by competition between urban elites, primarily from Punjab and Sindh, and political groups representing peripheral provinces. The All India Muslim League, which had led the independence movement, quickly lost popularity to regional movements such as the Awami League in East Pakistan (Talbot, 1998).

After the secession of Bangladesh in 1971, national parties attempted to rebuild a unified political project, but ethnic and linguistic grievances continued to fuel political tensions.

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1967, emerged as a major political force with its socialist and populist rhetoric. However, Bhutto’s increasing authoritarianism and allegations of electoral fraud in 1977 led to a military coup by General Zia-ul-Haq (Cohen, 2004).

2.2 The Islamization of the State Under Zia-ul-Haq (1977–1988)

Zia-ul-Haq’s regime marked a significant shift toward the politicization of Islam in Pakistan. Zia introduced reforms aimed at reinforcing the Islamic character of public institutions:

       •     Hudood Ordinances: Imposing severe penalties for crimes such as theft and adultery.

       •     Islamic Courts: Established to adjudicate cases based on Sharia law.

       •     Strengthening of Blasphemy Laws: These laws became increasingly stringent.

According to Nasr (2001), these measures sought to legitimize the military regime by invoking religious values, but they also contributed to the growing radicalization of society. Zia’s regime facilitated the rise of religious parties such as Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), which advocated for a strict Islamic state based on Quranic teachings.

2.3 Madrassas and Religious Radicalization

Under Zia’s rule, thousands of madrassas were established with financial support from Saudi Arabia. These religious schools disseminated a strict Wahhabi ideology and served as recruitment centers for Afghan mujahideen fighting the Soviet Union (Riedel, 2012).

According to Fair (2014), these madrassas became breeding grounds for militants who, after the Cold War, formed jihadist groups operating in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The proliferation of madrassas significantly altered Pakistan’s religious culture, promoting a conservative and often violent interpretation of Islam. Groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) emerged from this movement.

2.4 The Role of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI)

Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), founded by Abul A’la Maududi, played a central role in propagating Islamist ideology in Pakistan. Maududi advocated for an Islamic state governed by Sharia law and rejected Western democratic principles (Nasr, 2001). The JI frequently collaborated with military regimes to promote the Islamization of public institutions.

Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), in contrast, represented a Deobandi strand of Islamism. The JUI was particularly active in tribal regions and played a key role in supporting the Afghan Taliban from the 1990s onward. According to Rashid (2002) in Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil, and Fundamentalism in Central Asia, the JUI used its network of religious schools to train fighters for the Taliban.

2.5 Jihadist Groups and Their Political Influence

Pakistan has long pursued an ambivalent policy toward jihadist groups. While officially committed to counterterrorism, successive governments have also supported certain groups for strategic purposes, particularly in Kashmir and Afghanistan.

       •     Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT): Founded in the 1990s, this group is one of the most powerful operating in Kashmir. LeT was accused of orchestrating the 2008 Mumbai attacks (Fair, 2014).

       •     Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP): Established in 2007, the TTP has carried out numerous attacks in Pakistan, including the 2014 Peshawar school massacre that killed 132 children (Human Rights Watch, 2015).

According to Haqqani (2013), these jihadist groups thrived due to the weaknesses of Pakistan’s security institutions and the lack of coherent policies to counter their influence.

2.6 Social and Political Consequences of Religious Extremism

The rise of extremist groups has profoundly altered Pakistan’s social fabric. In regions such as Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, militants often impose their own justice systems based on strict interpretations of Islamic law.

This radicalization has also marginalized religious minorities, including Christians, Hindus, and Shias (Cohen, 2004). The strengthening of blasphemy laws, particularly under Zia-ul-Haq, has led to widespread abuse, with accusations often motivated by personal conflicts. Reports from Amnesty International (2020) show that these laws are used to persecute minorities and silence dissent.

2.7 Civilian Governments’ Response to Extremism

Civilian governments, including those led by Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, attempted to curb the influence of extremist groups with limited success. Counterterrorism policies were often undermined by the military, which preferred an ambivalent approach to preserve its regional strategic interests.

After the 2014 Peshawar school attack, Nawaz Sharif’s government adopted the National Action Plan (NAP), which aimed to crack down on extremist groups and close radical madrassas. However, the implementation of the NAP was hindered by institutional resistance and internal political pressures (Riedel, 2012).

2.8 Recent Developments and the Rise of Religious Populism

Since the 2010s, Pakistan has witnessed a rise in religious populism, exemplified by the emergence of parties like Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). This group has garnered significant influence through mass mobilizations opposing any attempts to reform blasphemy laws. These movements have gained traction by promoting a populist narrative that ties national identity to the defense of religious values.

According to Wolf (2021), the Pakistani military has occasionally leveraged these parties to weaken civilian governments while containing the influence of more radical jihadist groups.

3. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Geopolitical Implications

3.1 Origins and Objectives of the CPEC

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a flagship project launched in 2015 under Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The corridor aims to connect the strategic port of Gwadar in Balochistan to China’s Xinjiang Autonomous Region through a network of highways, railways, and pipelines (Wolf, 2016). CPEC is designed to promote regional economic integration and enhance Pakistan’s geostrategic significance.

The initial $46 billion investment, later exceeding $62 billion, spans infrastructure, energy, and special economic zones (Tasleem, 2022). For China, CPEC provides direct access to the Indian Ocean, reducing its reliance on U.S.-controlled maritime routes like the Strait of Malacca (Small, 2015).

3.2 Economic Stakes of CPEC

One of the primary arguments put forth by Pakistani authorities in favor of CPEC is its transformative economic potential. The corridor promises to create thousands of jobs, improve transportation networks, and attract foreign investment. Energy projects linked to CPEC aim to address chronic power shortages that have hindered Pakistan’s development (Fair, 2014).

However, critics argue that most contracts are awarded to Chinese companies, limiting benefits for local industries. Additionally, the heavy reliance on Chinese loans has significantly increased Pakistan’s external debt. According to an IMF report (2021), debt owed to China accounts for approximately 27% of Pakistan’s total external debt.

3.3 Gwadar Port: Strategic Stakes and Local Tensions

Gwadar Port is central to CPEC as a key maritime access point. Located near the Strait of Hormuz, it provides China with a direct energy supply route from the Middle East (Wolf, 2016). However, the project has faced significant opposition from local communities in Balochistan, who feel marginalized and excluded from the economic benefits.

Insurgent groups, notably the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), frequently target CPEC infrastructure, accusing the central government and China of exploiting the region’s natural resources without compensating its inhabitants (International Crisis Group, 2021).

3.4 The Role of the Pakistani Military in CPEC Security

To address security threats, the Pakistani government has tasked the military with protecting CPEC projects. A specialized unit, the Special Security Division (SSD), was established to safeguard infrastructure and Chinese workers. However, this militarization has exacerbated resentment among local populations, who view the military presence as a veiled occupation (Riedel, 2012).

According to Lieven (2011), the military’s involvement in managing economic projects reflects its intent to control strategic development, consolidating its dominance in national politics.

3.5 CPEC and India-Pakistan Relations

One of the most contentious aspects of CPEC is the routing of certain projects through Gilgit-Baltistan, a region within the disputed territory of Kashmir claimed by India. New Delhi has repeatedly condemned CPEC as a violation of its sovereignty and has raised objections at international forums (Basrur, 2021).

India also fears that Gwadar’s development could enable China to strengthen its military presence in the Indian Ocean, undermining regional maritime security. This perception has fueled an arms race in South Asia and bolstered India’s strategic alliances with the United States under the Indo-Pacific initiative (Small, 2015).

3.6 Sino-Pakistani Cooperation and Regional Diplomacy

The Sino-Pakistani partnership is often described by leaders of both nations as “higher than the mountains and deeper than the ocean.” This strategic alliance is based on converging interests:

            •           For China: Pakistan is a key ally in countering India’s influence in South Asia.

            •           For Pakistan: The partnership with China offers an alternative to U.S. support, which is often perceived as unstable and conditional (Haqqani, 2013).

However, this cooperation raises concerns among other regional players, such as Iran and Afghanistan, who fear marginalization due to CPEC’s expansion.

3.7 Internal Challenges of CPEC: Corruption and Mismanagement

CPEC has also been marred by allegations of corruption and poor management. Reports suggest that Pakistani officials have embezzled funds allocated for infrastructure projects, causing delays (Transparency International, 2020). These scandals have fueled public skepticism, with some labeling CPEC an “elitist project” designed to benefit a select group of politicians and military officials.

3.8 Environmental Consequences of CPEC

Beyond economic and security concerns, CPEC has had significant ecological impacts. The construction of new roads and coal-fired power plants has led to the destruction of vast forested areas and worsened air and water pollution (WWF Pakistan, 2021). Local communities have also expressed concerns over limited access to potable water in areas hosting energy projects.

3.9 The Future of CPEC: Opportunities and Uncertainties

Despite its challenges, CPEC remains a cornerstone of Pakistan’s economic strategy and a vital element of its partnership with China. Recent initiatives to diversify projects, such as investments in agriculture and technology, aim to reduce reliance on heavy infrastructure.

However, CPEC’s future hinges on Pakistan’s ability to manage its external debt and ensure project security amid terrorist threats and insurgent activities.

4. Bilateral Relations Between India and Pakistan: Conflict and Diplomacy

4.1 Origins of the India-Pakistan Conflict

The conflict between India and Pakistan originated with the 1947 partition, during which Kashmir, a princely state with a Muslim-majority population ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, chose to join India following an invasion by tribal militias supported by Pakistan (Jalal, 1995). This event led to the first India-Pakistan war (1947–1948), ending in a UN-mandated ceasefire and the establishment of a Line of Control (LoC) dividing Kashmir.

Since then, the region has remained a major point of contention. Cohen (2004) argues that Kashmir has become a symbol of national identity for Pakistan, representing the “protection of oppressed Muslims,” while for India, it is a matter of preserving territorial integrity.

4.2 The Three India-Pakistan Wars (1947–1971)

            •           First War (1947–1948): This war ended with a ceasefire and a UN resolution recommending a plebiscite in Kashmir, which has yet to occur, leaving the dispute unresolved (Talbot, 1998).

            •           Second War (1965): Triggered again by the Kashmir issue, this conflict concluded with the Tashkent Agreement, mediated by the Soviet Union in 1966. However, the agreement was seen as a capitulation by many in Pakistan.

            •           Third War (1971): This war stemmed from the secession of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). India’s military intervention in support of Bengali independence forces led to a humiliating defeat for Pakistan.

The 1971 war profoundly influenced Pakistan’s military doctrine, which has since focused on asymmetric capabilities, particularly through nuclear development (Riedel, 2012).

4.3 The Nuclear Arms Race

Following the 1971 defeat, Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto initiated the country’s nuclear program, famously declaring, “We will eat grass, but we will have the bomb.” In 1998, after India conducted nuclear tests, Pakistan responded with its own tests in Chagai, officially becoming a nuclear power (Lieven, 2011).

Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence doctrine focuses on asymmetric capabilities to counter India’s conventional military superiority. However, this has increased the risk of limited nuclear conflicts, particularly during localized military operations like the Kargil conflict in 1999 (Fair, 2014).

4.4 The Kargil Conflict (1999)

The Kargil conflict erupted when Pakistani troops disguised as militants infiltrated strategic heights in Kargil, located in India’s Ladakh region. The operation, led by General Pervez Musharraf, was condemned internationally and resulted in a diplomatic setback for Pakistan (Basrur, 2021).

Haqqani (2013) notes that the Kargil conflict exposed internal fractures within Pakistan’s military establishment and the discord between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s civilian government and the military command, which had not informed him of the operation’s details.

4.5 The 2008 Mumbai Attacks and Diplomatic Fallout

The 2008 Mumbai attacks, carried out by the Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist group, marked a turning point in India-Pakistan relations. These attacks killed 166 people and led to the suspension of bilateral dialogues while reinforcing Pakistan’s image as a “safe haven for terrorists” (Riedel, 2012).

Despite international pressure, Pakistan failed to take sufficient action against Lashkar-e-Taiba’s leadership, exacerbating diplomatic tensions. Cohen (2004) attributes this inaction to Pakistan’s strategy of maintaining such groups as “deterrence tools” against India in the Kashmir conflict.

4.6 Peace Initiatives and Their Failures

Since the 2000s, several peace initiatives have been attempted to reduce tensions:

            •           Agra Summit (2001): Talks between President Musharraf and Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee failed after the 2001 Indian Parliament attack.

            •           Composite Dialogue (2004–2008): This period saw relative détente, including agreements on economic cooperation and reopening bus routes across the LoC (Fair, 2014).

            •           Shimla Agreement (1972): Signed after the 1971 war, this accord sought to convert the LoC into a permanent border but was never fully implemented.

Each reconciliation attempt has been undermined by cross-border terrorist activities and mutual distrust.

4.7 Pulwama-Balakot Conflict (2019)

The 2019 Pulwama attack, in which a Jaish-e-Mohammed suicide bomber killed 40 Indian soldiers, triggered a sharp escalation. India responded with airstrikes in Balakot, targeting what it described as terrorist training camps (Basrur, 2021).

These strikes demonstrated India’s shift towards a “preemptive offensive” policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, signaling its willingness to conduct operations inside Pakistani territory in response to provocations. However, this approach has heightened the risk of open conflict between the two nuclear powers (Small, 2015).

4.8 International Stance and Diplomatic Pressures

The India-Pakistan conflict has drawn significant international attention:

            •           United States: Historically an ally of Pakistan, the U.S. has shifted closer to India in its strategy to counter China’s influence (Haqqani, 2013).

            •           Russia: Once neutral, Russia has strengthened military ties with India.

            •           China: Pakistan’s principal strategic ally, China has supported Islamabad diplomatically while advocating restraint to protect its economic interests through CPEC (Wolf, 2016).

4.9 Kashmir Post-Article 370 Abrogation

In August 2019, India revoked Article 370 of its Constitution, removing Jammu and Kashmir’s special status. Pakistan viewed this move as an “annexation” and severed diplomatic ties with India (Basrur, 2021).

The decision has led to increased military tensions along the LoC, with frequent exchanges of fire. Pakistan has intensified diplomatic efforts to garner international support against India’s actions but has achieved limited success.

5. Terrorism, National Security, and Strategic Responses

5.1 The Rise of Terrorism in Pakistan

Pakistan faces a major internal security challenge due to the rise of terrorist groups such as Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM). This surge in terrorism dates back to the 1980s when Pakistan became a key player in the proxy war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan (Riedel, 2012). Substantial support from the United States and Saudi Arabia led to the creation of thousands of Mujahideen fighters, resulting in the proliferation of weapons and jihadist ideology within Pakistan’s borders.

Following the Cold War, these armed groups, initially supported for strategic reasons, turned against the Pakistani state, especially after its alliance with the U.S. in the post-9/11 “War on Terror” (Haqqani, 2013).

5.2 Major Terrorist Attacks in Pakistan

Pakistan has experienced numerous deadly terrorist attacks, highlighting the severity of its internal threat. Notable incidents include:

            •           Marriott Hotel Bombing in Islamabad (2008): A truck bomb killed over 50 people, symbolizing the vulnerability of the nation’s capital.

            •           Peshawar School Attack (2014): The TTP attacked a military-run school, killing 132 children. This incident shocked the nation and spurred unprecedented efforts against terrorism (Human Rights Watch, 2015).

            •           Sehwan Shrine Attack (2017): A suicide bombing at a Sufi shrine killed over 80 people, showcasing extremist violence targeting religious minorities and cultural practices deemed “heretical” by jihadist groups.

5.3 Pakistan’s Counterterrorism Policy: Ambiguity and Reforms

Pakistan’s counterterrorism policies have often been criticized for their ambivalence. According to Fair (2014), Pakistan has employed a dual strategy, supporting certain groups to maintain regional influence while combating those posing direct threats to its internal security. This approach has fostered growing distrust among the international community, particularly the United States.

In response to the Peshawar school attack, Pakistan’s government launched the National Action Plan (NAP) in 2015, which included 20 key measures:

            1.         Strengthening military operations in tribal areas.

            2.         Banning extremist organizations.

            3.         Establishing military courts for terrorism cases.

            4.         Regulating madrassas to curb the spread of radical ideologies.

However, political and institutional resistance hindered the NAP’s implementation. A report by the International Crisis Group (2021) noted that poor coordination between civilian and military agencies weakened the plan’s impact.

5.4 Military Operations Against Terrorism

The Pakistani military has conducted several large-scale operations to dismantle terrorist networks:

            •           Operation Rah-e-Nijat (2009): Targeted TTP strongholds in South Waziristan.

            •           Operation Zarb-e-Azb (2014): Launched after the Karachi airport attack, this operation focused on North Waziristan and was regarded as a major military success. However, it displaced hundreds of thousands of civilians.

            •           Operation Radd-ul-Fasaad (2017): A nationwide initiative aimed at eliminating dormant terrorist networks.

While these operations temporarily reduced terrorist attacks, they failed to address underlying issues such as poverty, illiteracy, and the influence of extremist madrassas (Lieven, 2011).

5.5 Relations with the Taliban and the Afghanistan Factor

Pakistan’s relationship with the Afghan Taliban has been ambiguous. In the 1990s, Pakistan supported the Taliban regime to secure “strategic depth” against India. After 9/11, Pakistan officially allied with the U.S.-led coalition against the Taliban but maintained unofficial ties with some leaders to safeguard regional interests (Haqqani, 2013).

The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in 2021 has presented new challenges, particularly with the resurgence of the TTP, which now operates from sanctuaries in Afghanistan.

5.6 The Role of Pakistan’s Intelligence Services (ISI)

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) plays a central role in Pakistan’s security policies. Studies by Riedel (2012) and Fair (2014) highlight the ISI’s controversial activities, including alleged support for groups like the Haqqani Network and Lashkar-e-Taiba while simultaneously conducting operations against rebel factions. This pragmatic but dual approach has isolated Pakistan diplomatically.

5.7 Social Consequences of Terrorism

Terrorism has had devastating social impacts in Pakistan:

            •           Internal Displacement: Millions have been displaced due to military operations in tribal areas.

            •           Religious Polarization: Attacks on Shia, Christian, and Hindu minorities have deepened societal divisions and weakened national cohesion (Human Rights Watch, 2021).

            •           Economic Impact: World Bank reports estimate that terrorism cost Pakistan over $126 billion between 2001 and 2015.

5.8 International Pressures and Sanctions

Pakistan has faced significant international pressure for its counterterrorism policies:

            •           The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed Pakistan on its “grey list” for insufficient action against terror financing and money laundering.

            •           In 2018, the U.S. suspended substantial military aid under the Trump administration (Basrur, 2021).

In 2022, Pakistan was removed from the FATF grey list after implementing several economic and security reforms.

5.9 Persistent Challenges and Future Strategies

Despite military successes, Pakistan faces ongoing challenges:

            1.         The resurgence of Taliban fighters and cross-border jihadist networks.

            2.         A lack of educational reforms to curb extremist narratives in certain madrassas.

            3.         The need for better coordination between civilian and military institutions for coherent governance.

The International Crisis Group (2022) recommends a more inclusive approach that combines military security with social reforms to tackle radicalization at its roots.

6. Conclusion and Recommendations

6.1 Summary of Major Challenges

This analysis highlights Pakistan’s multidimensional challenges, from internal extremism and economic crises to strained relations with India and the international community. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), though heralded as a development opportunity, raises concerns about economic sovereignty and geopolitical balance.

6.2 Strategic Recommendations

            1.         Institutional Strengthening and Political Reforms:

            •           Limit military intervention in civilian governance.

            •           Ensure transparency and establish independent anti-corruption mechanisms.

            2.         Consistent Counterterrorism Policies:

            •           Unify internal security agencies to streamline counterterrorism efforts.

            •           Strengthen international partnerships without compromising national sovereignty.

            3.         Social and Educational Reforms:

            •           Implement a unified curriculum to promote inclusive national identity.

            •           Regulate madrassas to curtail extremist narratives while offering viable educational alternatives.

            4.         Regional Reconciliation and Active Diplomacy:

            •           Restart bilateral talks with India, leveraging international mediation to address Kashmir tensions.

            •           Diversify alliances to reduce overreliance on China by enhancing ties with Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey.

            5.         Sustainable Economic Development:

            •           Reassess CPEC agreements to ensure local benefits and manage external debt.

            •           Invest in renewable energy and eco-friendly infrastructure to combat environmental challenges.

6.3 Future Outlook

Pakistan’s political stability and national security will depend on its ability to implement structural reforms and navigate geopolitical challenges. A balanced approach combining economic recovery, inclusive politics, and diplomatic engagement is crucial for a prosperous and peaceful future.

With sustained efforts, Pakistan can emerge as a regional stabilizer by addressing its internal crises and contributing constructively to regional cooperation. However, this requires restoring trust among citizens and international partners alike.

Bibliographie

            1.         Cohen, Stephen P. (2004). The Idea of Pakistan. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.

            2.         Fair, C. Christine (2014). Fighting to the End: The Pakistan Army’s Way of War. Oxford University Press.

            3.         Haqqani, Husain (2013). Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, the United States, and an Epic History of Misunderstanding. PublicAffairs.

            4.         Jalal, Ayesha (1995). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press.

            5.         Lieven, Anatol (2011). Pakistan: A Hard Country. PublicAffairs.

            6.         Riedel, Bruce (2012). Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad. Brookings Institution Press.

            7.         Wolf, Siegfried O. (2016). China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Regional Cooperation in the Context of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Springer.

            8.         International Crisis Group (2021). Pakistan’s Jihadist Heartland: Southern Punjab’s Sectarian Militancy. ICG Report No. 279.

            9.         Basrur, Rajesh M. (2021). India, Pakistan, and China: Strategic Dynamics in South Asia. Routledge.

            10.       Rashid, Ahmed (2002). Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. Yale University Press.

            11.       Transparency International (2020). Corruption Perceptions Index Report.

            12.       Human Rights Watch (2015). “We Are the Walking Dead”: Abuses Against Minority Communities in Pakistan.

            13.       Amnesty International (2020). Report on Blasphemy Laws in Pakistan.

            14.       Small, Andrew (2015). The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia’s New Geopolitics. Oxford University Press.

            15.       WWF Pakistan (2021). Environmental Impact Report on CPEC Projects.

            16.       Fonds Monétaire International (2021). Debt Sustainability Analysis: Pakistan. IMF Country Report No. 21/64.

            17.       Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan: A Modern History. Hurst & Company.

            18.       Human Rights Watch (2021). Report on Religious Minorities and Violence in Pakistan.

            19.       Nasr, Vali (2001). Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the Making of State Power. Oxford University Press.

            20.       Wolf, Siegfried O. (2021). The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor of the Belt and Road Initiative: Concept, Context and Assessment. Springer.